The Study of Politics

The Study of Politics

In "The Study of Politics," Woodrow Wilson argues that the traditional, statute-bound approach to political science produces only an "anatomy" of institutions while missing their living "biology." He opens by comparing the crisis in political economy—where Mill and Adam Smith are being challenged by economists who insist human motivation cannot be reduced to self-interest alone—to a parallel crisis in political science, where writers who master constitutions, statutes, and judicial precedents nevertheless remain ignorant of how governments actually function day to day. Wilson contends that most treatises on government exhaustively catalogue legal history yet relegate the real texture of political life—how laws are actually obeyed, ignored, or reshaped by custom—to a stray footnote. He credits de Tocqueville and Bagehot as exceptions: men whose genius lay not merely in scholarship but in being "men of the world" who generalized from direct observation of actual affairs, and who thereby exposed the poverty of purely legalistic method. He similarly praises Burke for fusing practical insight with eloquence, and laments that Burke never distilled his wisdom into a single systematic treatise. Wilson does not claim that practical politicians make the best teachers of politics; caught up in daily detail, they often cannot see the forest for the trees. Instead, he calls for a fusion of the "man of the world" and the "man of books." He cites Mill's service in the East India Company and Parliament, and the statesmanship of Bryce and Morley, as proof that participation in affairs sharpens rather than compromises political understanding. He invokes the model of the great popular preacher, who moves people not through abstract knowledge but through sympathy and familiarity with ordinary life, arguing that the student of politics must likewise frequent the street, the counting-house, the legislature, and even the lobby, cross-examining officials and observing elections firsthand, while never abandoning the "ballast" of books. Wilson insists that history is as valuable a laboratory as the present, since government is ancient and every era offers its own school of politicians. He praises Carlyle's ability to find character and institutional truth in seemingly trivial anecdotes about Frederick William's court, showing that patient, imaginative inference—chasing a footnote to a biography, a biography to a memoir, a memoir to a diary—can recover the living detail that formal histories omit. He offers illustrative anecdotes of his own: Lord Elgin's remark that treaty-making with Washington meant "no Government to deal with," only individual congressmen to canvass, and M. Bacourt's frustration at having to cultivate congressmen's wives to advance French diplomatic business. Both examples, drawn from unexpected personal sources, reveal truths about American government that no legal treatise records. From these examples Wilson draws his central thesis: politics is the organic life of society, and nothing that illuminates how humans behave as "political animals" is foreign to its proper study. Statutes and constitutions supply only the "crude body-colors" of a picture whose finer effects must come from literary art. He extends his analogy to the new school of economists, who are amassing exhaustive data on how sentiment, family, and custom shape economic behavior but who need literary imagination, not just data, to make their findings live. He warns that political science, in chasing the prestige of natural science, risks the same swift obsolescence as scientific fashions, whereas true accounts of human life in society are permanent literature. Wilson closes this section by insisting that the ideal student of politics needs Arthur Young's gift for observation, Bagehot's gift for writing, and Burke's gift for philosophizing. Such a student must ask not only what institutions exist but why one nation's institutions fail to transplant to another, a question answerable only through minute historical and cultural contrast—attention to popular songs, portraits on cottage walls, gossip about legislators—rather than through formal law alone. He rejects the scholar who finds the polls disagreeable or studies the sheriff only from the drawing room, insisting that real understanding of self-government requires direct contact with its "coarse, homely" reality. The essay ultimately calls for a literary revolution in political study paralleling that needed in economics: a shift from dry, perishable "treatises" toward works with the individuality and imaginative vitality of enduring literature, so that government might be, in Wilson's words, painted "to the life."

By Woodrow Wilson · First published 1887 · Genre: Political Essay, Political Philosophy, Literary Criticism · 5,743 words

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It has long been an open secret that there is war among the political economists. John Stuart Mill no longer receives universal homage, but has to bear much irreverent criticism; even Adam Smith might be seriously cavilled at were not the habit of praise grown too old in his case. He is still ‘the father of political economy; ' but, like other fathers of his day, he seems to us decidedly old fashioned. The fact is, that these older writers, who professed to point out the laws of human business, are accused of leaving out of view a full half of human nature; in insisting that men love gain, they are said to have quite forgotten that men sometimes love each other, that they are not only prehensile, but also a great many other things less aggressive and less selfish.

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political science · government · public administration · democracy · constitutional government · comparative politics · political theory · statecraft · governance · civic institutions · legislative systems · executive power

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