Economics for Helen by Hilaire Belloc

A state of society in which the families composing it are, in a determining number, owners of the land and the means of production as well as themselves the human agents of production (that is, the people who by their human energy produce wealth with those means of production), is probably the oldest, and certainly the most commonly found of all states of society. It is a state of society which you get all through the East, all through Asia, and in all the primitive states we know. It is the state to which men try to return, as a rule, after they have blundered into any other, though the first state we described -- the Servile State -- runs it very close as a thing suitable to human nature; for we know that the Servile State did also last for centuries quite normally and stably in the Pagan past.

The reason men commonly adopt the Distributive form of society, and tend to return to it if they can, is that the advantages it presents seem greater in most men's eyes than its disadvantages.

The advantages are these: --

It gives freedom: that is, the exercise of one's will. A family possessed of the means of production -- the simplest form of which is the possession of land and of the implements and capital for working the land -- cannot be controlled by others. Of course, various producers specialise, and through exchange one with the other they become more or less interdependent, but still, each one can live "on his own": each one can stand out, if necessary, from pressure exercised against him by another. He can say: "If you will not take my surplus as against your surplus I shall be the poorer; but at least I can live."

Societies of this kind are not only free, but also, what goes with freedom, elastic -- that is, they mould themselves easily to changed conditions. The individual, or the family, controlling his or its own means of production, can choose what he will do best, and can exercise his faculties, if he has sufficient knowledge, to the best advantage.

This arrangement also gives security, though not as much security as the Servile State. Men in this position of ownership are not in dread of the immediate future. They can carry on. They may, if they choose, make a reserve of their produce to carry them over moments of difficulty. For instance, they will probably have each a reserve of food to carry them over a bad harvest or some natural disaster. Further, it is found in practice that societies of this kind continue for centuries without much change. They go on for generations with a property well divided among them and everybody free, so far as economic situation is concerned. No such society has ever been destroyed except by some great shock; and so long as every shock can be warded off, this system of having the land and the means of production controlled by the mass of the citizens as private owners is enduring. There are districts of Europe to-day where the system has continued from beyond the memory of man. Such a little state as Andorra is an example, and many of the Swiss valleys. Further, when the system has been laboriously reconstructed, when the mass of families who used to be dispossessed have been again put into possession of land and the means of production, we find that the state arrived at is stable.

The best example of that sort of reconstruction to-day is to be found in Denmark, but you have it also in a less marked fashion in most parts of France and in most of the Valley of the Rhine, in Belgium and Holland, in Norway, and in many other places. Wherever it has been settled it has taken root firmly.

The disadvantages of such a system are, first, that though in practice it is found usually stable, yet in theory it is not necessarily stable, and in practice also there are some communities the social character of which is such that the system cannot be established permanently.

It is obvious that, with land and the means of production well distributed among the various families, a few may by luck or special perseverance and cunning, tend to buy up the land and implements of their less fortunate neighbours, and nothing will prevent this but a set of laws backed up by strong public opinion. In other words, people must desire this state of society, and desire it strongly in order to maintain it; and if the desire for ownership and freedom is weak this distributive arrangement will not last.

In the absence of special laws, and a public opinion to back them, the idler or the least competent or least lucky of the owners will gradually lose their ownership to the more industrious or the more cunning or more fortunate.

Another disadvantage which has often been pointed out is that a state of society of this sort, though usually stable and enduring, falls into a routine (that is, into a traditional way of doing things), which it is very difficult to change. The small owner will not have the same opportunities for travel and for wide experience as the rich man has, and he will tend to go on as his fathers did, and therefore when some new invention arises outside his society he will be slow to adopt it. In this way his society becomes less able to defend itself from predatory neighbours and goes under in war. For a society of this kind is unfitted to the discovery of new things. Contented men feel no special spur to discover or to act on such discovery. That is why we find societies in which land and all the other means of production are well distributed among the greater part of the families of the State becoming too conservative -- that is, unwilling to change even for their own advantage.

This, of course, is not universally true. For instance: no society in Europe has made more progress in agriculture than the Danish society of small owners. But, take the world all over, this kind of state is usually backward, that is, slow to take up improvements in production and to avail itself of new discoveries in physical science.